Friday, January 11, 2008

Zoram Pawna Zirlaite Aw Rawl


Zoram pawna Zirlaite Aw rawl

Malsawmdawngliana Lailung
sawmpuia@gmail.com


Ziaktu thenkhat te’n duhthawh luat avanga phailam zirlaite engmah lo ang mai in min chhuah thin hi tuman chawtak khu takah an ngai ngailo a. Thutak a bawlin an thlavang hauh nan kan thai ve teh ang. Phailam a zirlai te chu mahni Mizo na hlauh thak ang te leh hnamdang pak huam a mahni ram hmusit ngawih ngawih ang te, mahni hnam tawng hnualsuat a kal bo ta vang vang angah te, nun inthlahdah em em a nulat tlangval na chen a zalen ta viau ang ah te, sap hming invuah a hnam nihna hralhbo ta daih ang ah te a tam mai hetiang deuh hian chanchinbu hrang hranga an ziah te kan hmu kur nguai a. Heti lam ki hian tawite in sawifiah ka’n tum dawn teh ang.
Phai ramah sum tamtak sengin kan in kapchhuak chur chur a, thiamna leh mitak tak ni tur a beseiin neihthinglung khawngin tan kan khawh theuh hlawm a nih hi. Mizoram kan chhuahsan hian kan Mizo na hi a reh chuanglo a, hnamdang zingah phei chuan mahni nihna lo ang pui nih tum phei chu min hmusit dawn tih pawh kan hailo. Mizo bak hi kawng vawisang tam zawhin strike mahila kan hlawhtling dawnlo tih kan hriatchhian avangin tun thleng hian Mizo nihna bansan tum a tan khawh kan la awmlo chuan kan hria, Mizo kan ni kher kher hi vannei kan in ti ! Hnam dang, entirnan vai kan tih ang te hi vaichhia kan ti ve mai lo a, hmakhawsang tawh a hnam fing khawvel ram hrang hrang pawhin an ngaihsan an nih avangin an hnam zerang (culture) a zirtur tha awm te hi kan dap zawk a, thian a siam hi kan bat ni in kan hria. An ni pawh hian kan lakah zirtur tamtak an nei ve tho a, Mizo kan ni kan hmel a tha, kan tum a sang bawksi tih hi khilai hmarchhak kilte a sa mai lo in khawvel dap a sak theih kan chak takzet a ni. Mizoram tih ramri hian kan awmna lai ramkil sir mai hi a huam ang tih kan hlau, Zoram chuan khawvel hi dapchhuak se kan ti, Mizo chu khawi ah pawh awmse a thinlung a Mizo nihna chian avangin Mizoram a din a ni. Heimi ziarang hretu pakhat English mi nihna chhuang tak zet war poet Ropert Brooke a khan a poem “The Soldiers” tih ah khan England sipai chu lo thi ta pawh nise an phumna hmun chu eng ram pawh nise England a ni tho ang a lo tih ni. Chumi thleng thei tur chuan kawl a ni chhuak chhiarin kan kawlawm leh lehkhabute kan lekchhuak a, beidawn chan a tamlai a fuihna awka nilo a kan nun chhe thei ang ber a min lih se sak vek hi chu kan vui ve lek lek thin.
Sap hming kan neih avang ngawt hian buaina kan la tawk lemlo chu a nia. Thian te’n awlsam tak a min koh theih mai hi vawi sawm chuang sawinawn, an la lam sual khanglang thin ai hi chuan a samkhai mah zawkin kan hria. Hnam ze ril diktak chu hming phuah hian a hril lemin kan hrelo thinlung lam a chian hi a ni ber. Kan ram ah hian hnafumfe thawhtur a awm tawhlo tih hrereng chung hian sorkar leh tlawmngaite hi belh teh tung pawh a tha berin kan hre tawhlo a. Mahni ke a din theih hi ram leh hnam hmangaihna puanchhuahna ni ve in kan hria. Kan thalairual hna hmulo te hian mahni State pawna hnazawng ngam khawpin huaisenna neise kan ti. Platform a aurinna nen meuh a ram hmangaihna sawi chiam ai chuan taima tak a mitakzet ni tur a mahni hna a rinawm tak a bur hi a fuh zawkin kan hria. Pawl tam lutuk leh thil tih tam lutuk hi a hlawhchhuah tamtak ni mahse zirlai mahni invuak chhiatnan leh mahni nihna tur ang pawh ni pha talo te a hrin thin avangin hei ai hi chuan khawtlang leh Kohhran thil tih hi tlem deuh se kan ti! IAS pachal tur diktak finna nei ve teuh in hman luat avang hna chhete vuan pha tawk te hi ngaihsan har kan ti ngawih ngawih. Nula tlangval tha tehnate hi danglam tawhse kan ti, khawtlang leh kohhran a in hmang chiam hringnun zirna lam a hlawhchham leh thosi te hi fel ti in i chhuah tawhlo ang u, an tih tur dik tak a tih loh avangin misual chikhat hmaikawr vuah tho an ni. Pawn lama in hmang duh chuan mite let tamtaka a thawh a ngai si a. Khawtlang leh Kohhran kan ram a thil ti thei ber hian zirlaite hi fuih chamchi zawkse, inzirtirna (awareness) hi min pe mawlh mawlh se kan ti. Zirsang satliah mai nilo a kan ramretheihna chawikan na tawk thiamna an neih theihnan tawngtairualna nei hialse kan ti bawk. Mahni tihtur dik tak ti a hlawhtlinna nei tur a theihpatawp a beih hi a YMA a, a TKP, KTP, SAY em em kan ti. Pathian hnena tawngtaina ngenngawl ber pawh thawhrimna tho hi ni in kan hria.
Mizotawng hi in hnualsuat min ti maw? A teuhlo mai kan ngaisang em em. Mizote hnamdang zinga kan uanna ber pawh kan tawng danglam mawi em em pumkhat a min siamtu hi a nifo. Ramdang a kan kal hian tawngdang (English leh Hindi) te zir kan duh ve a, hei hian khawvel hmun zau zawk a kan nihna tarlang thei thil a nih avangin nal tak a thiam kan duh. Hriat loh vang ni hauhlo a tawngthiam tawk loh avang a kan sehchilh nuai(h) mai leh kan ngawi leh mai thin hi kan ning ve bawk asin, “Kasauti” arawngbih ten en ‘eksaman’ nih hi kan hrehve bawk mite rual a khik ve theih a mite rual a iak ve theih kan duh. Kan ram ah te hlei hlei hian zirna in tinrengah te hian hei ai uar zawk a hman nise kan ti thin. Vairam mai nilo sapram thleng hian Mizo nih hi chhuanawm thei tur a nunze nghet neih hi kan duh. Ralkhat atang hian kan chanchin chhelam deuh hi inlo hria a, tamtak zing a mithenkhat tlemte lo awm eu deuh te avang ngawt hian kan zavai nun hi a zalen ta em em a ni hauhlo a, nu leh pa hmuh loh ah chuan nulat tlangval na chen a kal sual ta nuaih ah min ruat ber a, a ni vek lemlo a sin. Zoram pawn a zirlai te zingah hian zoram hmangaih tak tak thu leh hla a sawi kur ve luai lemlo mi takzet te an awm a, anni hian ngawi rengin taima takin an zir a, all India ranking competition exam ah te kan hnam min chawi mawi thin. Khawvel ram hrang hrang University a research turu bei tu te, scientist leh Software engineer te, doctor leh nurse ka sawi sen loh zingah hian “Mizo” hi kan kat nuk tawh asin. Hemi te hi ram leh hnam phatsan tu ah kan puh ngawt dawn em ni? Ngaihpawimawh awm zawk India National News Paper thenkhat ‘The Hindu’ ‘Times of India’ “Deccan Chronicles’ sangchuang copy semchhuahna ah te hian kan ram chanchin tha nilo (dik bawksilo) an thai leh zeuh thin te hi a ngaihpawimawh awm thin zawkin kan lo hreve mai mai thin, kan ziakmite khawnge in awmle? Hei hi ziah hun tak chu a ni. Mizo kan ni kan hmel atha, kan tum a sang bawk si tih kha an nun in a takin i sa teh ang u.
Zoram hmangaih dan ah theuh theuh hian hmangaih dan ki a dang hlawm mang teh e. Piangthar tirin midang zawng zawng sual a a hmuh nghal ngawt hi a tidik berlo a, chutiang ang chiah chuan Ram veina thinlung pu in midang zawng zawng a puhchhe vek mai hi a dik biklo ang. A hnam hmangaihna leh thahnemngaihna kan zah hle nachungin Thlasik maupuah phawng phawng tawh lo in, ngundeuh a chhut in fuihna thu leh selna pawh a lem nuam zawngin ziak thin se kan sawt pui theuh in a rinawm.

Thursday, January 10, 2008




The origin and Development of Chieftainship in Pre-British period

by H.Vanlalhruaia

The writings of post Indian independence period incorporated Mizo society as a segment of Indian society. 1 However, the cultural process was distinctively diverse from the mainland India. This is mainly due to geographical isolation, which increases lack of communication between North East India and mainland India. To fill up this gap, it is indeed necessary for scholars to bring out some of the distinctive aspect of cultural development in pre-colonial Mizoram with respect to the mainland India. 2 Taking this in mind, the present essay attempts to outline the origin and development of chieftainship in pre-colonial Mizoram, which includes the ruling chiefs of Lusei, Hmar, Lai, Mara, and Paite. The paper was divided into three parts. The first part will analyse the origin of Mizo chiefs in present areas of Myanmar (Burma) and the development of chieftainship in region of present Mizoram. The second part highlights the nature of their administration in pre-colonial Mizoram. The last part looks at the nature of revenue administration among the Mizo ruling chiefs.
(I)
The origin of Mizo chief can be trace back around the 16th century, where the first Lusei chiefs evolve in the areas the areas between Khampat and Seipuikhur (Chin Hill of Burma). 3 The origin and development of Mizos chieftainship has its own indigenous growth since, their culture were more or less outside the influence of outside world. Among the ruling chiefs of Mizos, the Lusei can trace the origin of their chiefs and the system of chieftainship where as the same cannot be attributed to the other clans. It is said that, a man called Zahmuaka who had six sons was persuaded by a group of Hnamte clan to become their leader or chief. 4 He refused at initially, but soon accepted the invitation only after the Hnamte clan offered and willingly agreed to contribute a basket of paddy from each household. That was how the rise of Lusei chieftainship occurred. The six son’s Zadenga, Paliana, Thangluaha, Thangur, Rivunga and Rokhuma soon succeeded to the positions of chiefs in their own villages.68 Among them, the descendent of Thangur, Sailo become most powerful ruling chief in Mizoram.

In the same period, a number of Mizo chiefs like Fanai, Hualngo, Ralte, Ngente, Chuauhang, and the present southern inhabitant chiefs of Mara, Lai (Pawi) chiefs arose to chieftainship in their respective areas from place to place.69 In the middle of 17th century a groups of Mizos started penetrating into the grounds of present Mizoram. Migration usually occurred in groups or clans from different places at different periods. There is uncertainty among the scholars regarding the migrations of Mizos. The Mizos migration was a continuous process starting from early in the 17th century to the first half of the 20th century. Some historians suggest that the period of migration took place between 1700-1780 AD.70 More accurately, B. Lalthangliana put the Lusei clans migration date between 1650-1700.71 Among the Mizos, the Hmar clans firstly migrated towards the present Mizoram.72 Palian, a group of Lusei chiefs also crossed the Chin Hills (Burma) border soon followed by Rivung chiefs, Thangluah chiefs, Zadeng chiefs, Rokhum chiefs and Rokual chiefs.73 Chiefs of Raltes, Hualngos, Paites and Fanais also made their move toward Mizoram.74 Lai and Mara chiefs soon after migrated in to southern Mizoram. These ruling clans established village states at different places in Mizoram. In the earlier period of the Zadeng ruling chiefs who were powerful and dominant in pre-colonial Mizoram, the enormous village of Dungtlang, houses numbering to around 3000 had been established. Palian chief Sibuta is also said to have ruled over different villages numbering to 25, 000 houses.75 In the far southern part, this period also initiated the rise of Mara ruling villages state under the banner of the nine territorial groups of Tlosai, Hawthai, Chapi-Ngiaphia, Vytu, Zyhno, Lochei, Heima, Lialai and Lytu. The village state of the Lais under the chiefs of Chinzah, Zathang, Khenglawt, Thangchhawn, Hnialum, Hlawncheu and Hlawnchung (commonly known as Pawi) emerged in the southern border of Mara territory.76

Inter tribal warfare continued for securing more and more Jhum lands. Among the ruling chiefs of Mizos, Lusei chiefs were dominant and usually got the upper hand from other ruling chiefs. The weaker chiefs usually migrated further towards the western part of present Cachar, Chittangong hill tract and Tripura. In the early period of number of chiefs such as Hmar, Paite and Thlado were further pushed toward the present Cachar and Manipur areas. A number of ruling chiefs like Palian, Rivung, Thangluah further advanced to the present area of Tripura and Chittangong hill tract.

The last part of the 17th century witnessed the rise of the most powerful ruling clans in Mizoram. These were the Sailo chiefs. The Sailo chiefs migrated from Burma to pre-colonial Mizoram. In order to strengthen their power, seven Sailo chiefs by combining their work force initiated the establishment of the largest village with the houses numbering to around 7000.77 However, the people in the village soon dispersed due to shortage of Jhum lands. However, the Sailos soon successfully established seven powerful villages on both the western and the northern parts of Mizoram.78 Steadily, their power increased due to political influences over others. The first victims were Palian chiefs who helped the Zadeng chiefs in their struggle against the western chiefs. Initially, the early powerful Zadeng chiefs were defeated and other ruling chiefs also met the same fate. Most of the common chiefs soon became their subjects. During the first half of the 19th century, to complete the final occupation of pre-colonial Mizoram, the confederacy of western and southern Sailo chiefs was formed to subjugate other powerful ruling clans like, Palians, Thangluahs, and Zadengs.79 None of them could defy the Sailo infiltration and one by one they met their fate. The last independent Zadeng ruler died in 1875 at village of Chengpui near Lunglei.11 In the word of Shakepear, “Their descendent in spite of much assistance failed to regain their position in the world”.80

When the British government came into contact with the Mizo chiefs in the second half of the 19th century, Sailos had become the most powerful among the Mizo chiefs in Mizoram.81 They controlled most part of pre-colonial Mizoram except the southern part of Mara and Lai village state. The success of the Sailos was mainly due to better organization of internal and external administrations. Nevertheless, local wars remained at large in pre-colonial Mizoram. The next task of the Sailos however, was defending territories in the border areas. To increase their privileges and to protect their territory from encroachment of the neigbouring colonial Zamindars, a number of invasions were conducted in the areas of Cachar, Manipur, Tripura and Chittangong Hill tract of Bengal.

The rise and infiltration of the powerful Mizo ruling clan of the Sailos in Mizoram marked the formation and subsequent changes in the composition of the Mizo society.

First, the rise of the Sailos caused dispersal of various groups of Zos such as Thados, Biates, Hmars and Paite all over Cachar, Tripura, and Manipur.82 Secondly, political unification evolved especially in the northern and western parts of pre-colonial Mizoram, although the central administration was not fully developed. The lack of an efficient agrarian economy failed to provide surplus production to stabilize one central administration. There are subsequent changes in the territory of the various ruling chiefs. The Sailo now occupied most part of Mizoram on both north and south. B. Lalthangliana has divided pre-colonial Mizoram area into four zones, occupied by various Mizo ruling chiefs. 8 Out of four, three parts of Mizoram were under the control of Sailo ruling chiefs. Hmar clans and Paite clans also occupied the far North Eastern adjacent to Manipur and Cachar. In upper southeastern pre-colonial Mizoram the territory of Fanai chiefs formed a buffer village state between the territories of the Lusei, Lai and Mara. The far southern part of pre-colonial Mizoram was divided into two-territories, which were occupied by the powerful family of Mara ruling clans and Lai ruling clans. The idea of independence was universal and the hegemony of the Sailos was unheard of them. Thus, the political structure of Mara and Lai was much more complicated than the Lusei ruling Chiefs. Despite this, Hnamchawm or other miscellaneous ruling clans such as Ralte, Hualngo and others who occupied a position of lesser significance were found across the region of pre-colonial Mizoram. These groups were more or less under the subjugation of the major ruling clans such as the Sailos, the Lais, the Maras and the Fanais.


A cultural revival took place during the Sailo period. They absorbed a number of other clans in pre-colonial Mizoram. It is said that various Mizo customaries of oral constitution evolved as a result of the Sailo rule in pre-colonial Mizoram. Linguistically, the modern Mizo dialect (Duhlian dialect) was nurtured as a common language especially in western pre-colonial Mizoram. It also thus evidently helped the growth of the oral traditions. However, Paite, Mara, Hmar and Lai retained their dialect. Increase of their political hegemony also directly introduced the development of social stratification in the pre-colonial Mizo society. The period of the Sailos witnessed the growth of a significant population that led a greater demand of agricultural land. As a result, several tribal wars broke out on the question of ownership of agricultural land. The occasional repression of their cognate powerful tribes from Chin Hills of Burma also affected their economy. A trade affair with Chin Hills of Burma was at a standstill due to the supremacy of their cognate tribes in Chin Hills. The Mizos at those times were always in need of avoiding external danger. Tribute to other stronger chiefs by weaker chiefs also destabilized the economy during the period of the Sailo rule in pre-colonial Mizoram.

The Mizos at that time were in a stage where an increase in the population was evident as such the expansion towards the north and western side took place, this resulted into shortage of cultivable land. The clan wars among Mizo chiefs also led to difficulties of maintaining Jhum lands, which led to a shortage in food supply.97 Tribute to superior chiefs by vanquished chiefs weakened the economic positions of many villages. The strongest chiefs, the more permanent ones usually drove out numbers of Mizo clans outside Mizoram during pre-colonial period. The weaker chiefs mostly rushed southwestward and northward and finally came into contact with colonial powers. Therefore, migration continued due to political instability in pre-colonial Mizoram. It is evident that the Luseis were driven out from Burma to pre-colonial Mizoram by their cognate powerful groups. Successively, the Luseis also drove out the earlier group of Thado to the plains of Cachar area and Manipur.98

This unending struggle of supremacy chiefly exhausted Mizo economy particularly from the second half of the 19th century. Every chief was in need of income to regain his or her position. The only substitute they could get was from the neigbouring people particularly the Bengalis who were the easiest prey. Faced with scarcity, Mizo warriors used to go to the border villages to seek economic gains or food grains.99 Therefore, several invasions were conducted on neighbouring territory mainly due to economic reasons like; procuring guns from neigbouring territory for the protection of their Jhum field from animals and protection from other hostile clans; to get substitute household needs and tools and to get labourers to work on their Jhum field. This is how in the latter period, the colonial government confronted many tribal uprisings in the forms of raids, plundering, captivities and pillage.

II
Since earliest time, group of family in 20-800 houses composed village. Hereditary chiefs administered each village and were independent from external control. The administration of each village was more or less similar to the Greek-city state. However, after the rise of Sailo ruling chiefs, many of the common ruling chiefs were under their influence in which tributes and assistances were expected in times of needs. Local administration of judiciary and executive were in the hand of each village chiefs. One chief could rule over 1 to 10 village including hamlet depending upon the economy, chief personal ability to administer the village. Whenever the population increased, Mizo chief usually share out part of his territory to his legitimate son. This is mainly due to the practiced of Jhumland that cannot encourage large settlement in one place. Shakespear wrote in this context “When the son of a chief reached maturity he was given a certain number of households from his father’s village and was sent forth to a village of his own. Henceforth he ruled as an independent chief, and his success or failure as a ruler depended on his own talents and abilities. He paid no tribute to his father, but was expected to help him especially in times of quarrels with neighbouring chiefs. 9

All administration in the village was in the hand of Chief and his council of elders. The chief appointed a number of village officials. The chief (Lai by Lusei, Bawi by Lai, Abei by Mara) was helped by these various groups of village elders called Upa by Lusei clans or Macha by Mara, Bawi or Tlang by Lai.13 Next to the chief they held the highest position in village state. All officials such as Zalen by Lusei or Kutawl by Pawi, Blacksmith or Thirdeng by Lusei, Seudaipa by Mara, Siksek by Paite and professional priest like Sadawt and Bawlpu by Lusei, Siampu by Paite, Cheusapathaipa by Mara were appointed directly by the chief within his jurisdiction. In case of a Mara village (in the village of Chapi) the chief appointed junior hereditary chiefs to assist him for his administration. The junior hereditary chiefs also got portions of revenue from the villagers.14 However, by and large the existence of junior chiefs was not heard elsewhere in other parts of pre-colonial Mizoram. The main duty of the chief and various village officials was to look after the villagers. The chief and his council of elders discussed all matters that concern the villages. Their main concern was the safety of villagers, each year’s cultivable land and various issues relating to people’s lives within their village. Various disputes among the villagers were settled at the court of the chief and his council. As remuneration for their efforts in trying cases the elders of the council received fees called Salam by Lusei and Vopia by Mara.15

The lowest village official was called village crier or Tlangau by Lusei, Tangau by Paite, Tlaawpa by Mara. His main duty was to proclaim the chief’s order, as to what the villagers need to know or other works was to be done.21 He was also in charge of collecting fine inflicted on the offenders in the chief’s administration. During the colonial rule another extra village official called Khawchhiar by Lusei, Khireipa by Mara or village writer was appointed to assist the chief, who also extracted portion of peasant production.22

The success of each and every chief was very much dependent on his personality and his ability to control the village. A weak chief usually depends on his council of elders, which enhanced the privileges of village elders. It is interesting to note down that, a type of feudal fiefdom, which was prevalent in medieval Europe existed in a section of southern Mara village but this was a rare instance.23 In case of chiefs being weak, the noble clans seized lands for themselves. However, it is reported that none of them succeeded in establishing villages. The owner of a fief collected portion of the peasant’s produce from the villagers for the recognition of cultivating on the chief’s land. And in turn he had to pay revenue to the chief. If he cultivated any land outside his own fief, he paid double revenue. Fiefs were sometimes sold on occasions and were given as part of a marriage price. Parry has given the name of the Mara nobles who held fief under the following:24


Fief Holder
Village
Under the chief of,
Places of Holding
Khihu
Laki
Savy (Savang)
Savy(Savang), Chapi
Mahneu
Chapi
Chapi
Tichang, Raphu
Hneutu
Saiko
Saiko
Kolodyne
Laidang
Savypi(Sabeukhi)

Hloma

Unlike in European fiefdom, there was absence of political right over peasants by fief holders. The only privilege they enjoyed were the right to collect revenue from the peasants only when half of the revenue went to the chief. Parry says “the fief holder desired to establish political rights over the agriculturists”. This system thus caused perpetual friction between the chief and the owners of fiefs. The systems however continued until colonial rulers abolished it in the first half of 20th century.25 Except among the Mara chief, there is no evidence of fiefdom in other parts of Mizoram although a type of vassal or sub-ordinate existed in which bigger chiefs provided protection to the smaller chiefs. The lesser chiefs were under heavy pressure of the bigger chiefs, who extracted tribute from them in kind.26
III

The villagers were bound to pay revenue or tax to their chief, which were usually based on custom prevalent among each clan. Fathang is the only revenue taken from paddy produce by Lusei chiefs. Among Lusei, two to three baskets of paddy were paid directly to the chief. Among Maras the most valuable revenue extracted by the chief was in terms of paddy known as Sabai and Rapaw. Sabai is the revenue payable to the chief in recognition of his chiefship and was usually one to three baskets of paddy.45
Revenue was demanded according to customs of social hierarchical set up of the society. The Lusei chief appointed groups of elders known as Ramhual who were expert in land matters. Appointment was made according to the person’s compliance to contribute the required amount of paddy to the chief. They were given the priority of selecting the best Jhum land before the common man chooses. In the event of getting the first choice of selecting Jhums, they paid heavier Fathang or revenue to the chief than common villagers. The chief then appointed another group of officials called Zalen who also had the right to choose the agricultural land before the common villagers. Zalen were exempted from Fathang or revenue to the chief in consideration of their help extended to the chief when chief ran short of paddy or fell into any kind of difficulty.16 Zalen were usually appointed from the family as a means of economic security for the chiefs. Therefore the chief appointed those who could produce sufficient paddy as Zalen. In Mara villages, there were no officials like Ramhual and Zalen. Rather they had a council of elders called Macha who usually belonged to the noble clan. They helped the chief in times of trouble. In the southern Lai ruling area too Ramhual was unheard of though elders known as Kut awl or Tipuramtla, which was equal in rank with Zalen were appointed by the chief.17 Unlike the Zelen in Lusei, Kut awls were not given any privileges in selecting Jhum land. In case of Paite, the chief appointed two groups of people called Siam hmanglian and Siamhmang neu respectively.18 The other village officials such as professional priest Sadawt and Bawlpu were exempted from paying the revenue due to their services rendered to the villagers. In case of Mara, they had no such village priest except a priest held for life known as tleuliabopa.19

The success of each and every chief was very much dependent on his personality and his ability to control the village. A weak chief usually depends on his council of elders, which enhanced the privileges of village elders. It is interesting to note down that, a type of feudal fiefdom, which was prevalent in medieval Europe existed in a section of Mara village but this was a rare instance.23 In case of chiefs being weak, the noble clans seized lands for themselves. However, it is reported that none of them succeeded in establishing villages. The owner of a fief collected portion of the peasant’s produce from the villagers for the recognition of cultivating on the chief’s land. And in turn he had to pay revenue to the chief. If he cultivated any land outside his own fief, he paid double revenue. Fiefs were sometimes sold on occasions and were given as part of a marriage price. Parry has given the name of the Mara nobles who held fief under the following:24


Fief Holder
Village
Under the chief of,
Places of Holding
Khihu
Laki
Savy (Savang)
Savy(Savang), Chapi
Mahneu
Chapi
Chapi
Tichang, Raphu
Hneutu
Saiko
Saiko
Kolodyne
Laidang
Savypi(Sabeukhi)

Hloma

Unlike in European fiefdom, there was absence of political right over peasants by fief holders. The only privilege they enjoyed were the right to collect revenue from the peasants only when half of the revenue went to the chief. The fief holder desired to establish political rights over the agriculturists. This system thus caused perpetual friction between the chief and the owners of fiefs. The systems however continued until colonial rulers abolished it in the first half of 20th century.25 Except among the Mara chief, there is no evidence of fiefdom in other parts of Mizoram although a type of vassal or sub-ordinate existed in which bigger chiefs provided protection to the smaller chiefs. The lesser chiefs were under heavy pressure of the bigger chiefs, who extracted tribute from them in kind.26

B.C Allen writes, “Land Revenue is not assessed, but the people pay a house tax”.27 Among the Lusei, land revenue was never assessed in pre-colonial period but every household in the village was bound to pay a portion of their produce to the chief. Land revenue was paid in kind, since there is no evidence of money economy in pre-colonial Mizo society. Revenue practiced differed from village to village and clan-to-clan. Land revenue was referred as Fathang or Lal Buhchhun by the Lusei, Bai by the Mara, which literally meant paddy revenue or dues for chief.28 Assessment based on land was unheard of, although customs permitted Mizo chiefs to collect portion of peasant’s produce in recognition of granting agricultural land. There was no uniformity since all villages were independent.


Despite the tribal nature of society, it is interesting to note that the system of assessment evolved among a small section of Mara communities. In a Mara community dues paid to the chief were always measured by the basket of tlabai or bai, the size of which has been permanently fixed in each village by the chief and elders.29 The size of basket however, varied in different villages. Parry says that Mara basket was lined and was about a cubit high and cubit in diameter.30 Parry studied the revenue administration among various clans of Mara though very briefly which varied in each administrative unit. i.e. village. For instance, in villages of Saiko, Saiha and Tisi, the chief collected three bais of paddy respectively, where as four bais from the villages of Kiasi, and in the village of Savang the chief collected two bais.31 Thus, each Mara chief collected two to four bais of paddy. The Mara blacksmith and village priest got half to one bai of paddy or domestic fowl.32 According to Parry, the Mara chiefs were entitled to revenue called rapaw from each villager. The assessment was made directly from the peasants’ produce of paddy as illustrated under:33


Production of Crops
(Per bais or baskets)
Demand of revenue by the Mara chief
(Per bais or baskets)
10
2
20
2
30
4
40
6
50
8
60
10
70
12
80
14
90
16
100
20
As stated earlier, customarily the chief claimed portions of the peasants produce. Among the Lusei clan, the amount of paddy realized from Ramhual at the end of harvest ranges from six baskets to ten baskets. While the revenue extraction from the rest of villagers came to around to two baskets. According to modern standard it is estimated that one basket or phur is roughly equivalent to 20-25 Kg of paddy.34 The size of Lusei basket called Dawrawn was about 30 to 36 inches long with a diameter of about 24 inches. The amount of tax realized was from four to ten baskets of paddy although Fathang differed from village to village and clan to clan.35 Later in the colonial period, the amount of the chief’s revenue collection was fixed at six snowflake kerosene oil tins of paddy.36 Here it is estimated that one kerosene tin of paddy is equivalent to 11 kgs.37 The Ramhual get their choice of agriculture land and had to pay Fathang to the chief in proportion to the amount in which they had chosen their Jhums. In some village, four to ten phur or baskets of paddy were taken. The blacksmith got a basket of paddy or one and a half kerosene tin or Tinkhat leh a chanve from each villager as a salary in return for his services to the villagers.38 In Lusei, Thingdeng or blacksmith was entitled to share a bit of every animal hunted, especially the spine or three ribs.39 The village priest received a basket of paddy from each respective clan in return for the services performed in connection with cultivation. The lowest village official called village crier or Tlangau received a basket of paddy from each household as a reward.40 The rest of the villagers were bound to pay tax to the chief in kind. Among Lusei, two to three baskets of paddy were paid directly to the chief. If two peasants shared the Jhum land, they only paid revenue for one agricultural land. One of them was regarded as the owner of the field and took ten baskets or phur of paddy out of which he paid all taxes and the rest of the crop was divided or equally shared by them.41 Incase of peasants migrating to other villages without the consent of the chief, the chief had the right to confiscate half of the paddy produced by the peasant.42 Customarily, Lusei chiefs had the right to seize all the property of a peasant who disobeyed their orders.43 This system is called Ram, which literally means confiscate.

Fathang is the only revenue taken from paddy produce by Lusei chiefs. Parry says “Fathang is not payable for vegetables and other miscellaneous crops if grown in the same chief’s land as the main rice crop but if a man has Maize plot in another chief’s land he will have to pay Fathang for it to the chief in whose land he has made the subsidiary cultivation”. 44 In some cases, Chapi chief in Mara territory collected one basket of cotton as a tax from the peasant.45 However, such evidence was rarely found. Among Maras the most valuable revenue extracted by the chief was in terms of paddy known as Sabai and Rapaw. Sabai is the revenue payable to the chief in recognition of his chiefship and was usually one to three baskets of paddy.45 Rapaw was the price payable to the chief for the privilege of cutting jhum in his land. Sabai was payable to the chief in whose lands the field was situated. It was mostly paid in paddy if the peasant had any Jhum field. If the crops failed, the revenue was usually paid in term of domestic animals ranging from fowls to pigs.46

Despite the revenue paid directly from the production of land, peasants were bound to pay compulsory tax. Meat tax or (i.e. Sachhiah by Lusei, Sahaw by Mara) was another compulsory tax paid in kind by the peasant. Villagers who killed a wild animal had to give the chief, the left foreleg. Anybody who failed to pay the meat tax was liable to be fined. They had to pay domestic animals such as fowls, pigs and goats up to the value of Mithun.47

In addition to this compulsory tax, villagers paid several taxes or duty to the chief. Some of them are listed under:

The bees, which make their nest in the surroundings of the village were regarded as the property of the chief. Any villagers who collected wild honey including wax from a jungle, within the village chief’s jurisdiction must give the chief a portion of it. This bee tax was called khuaichhiah by Lusei, kheih-o by Mara.

Whenever a salt well was dug up in a village, the chief was entitled a share of a portion of salt. One who collected salt from a salt well or spring within his jurisdiction had to give the chief one-tenth of the quantity collected. 48

Occasionally a community fish catching day was observe. Mizo chiefs took portions of the fish caught by the villagers as tax. The Mara chief usually took the biggest fish caught by the villagers.49

In case of the Mara community, the chief took the young pig as dues. The second newborn pigs were taken.50 Another custom called vaohly, the chief and elder seized the piglet as soon as it was for sacrificial purposes and sometimes as remuneration to a young man who had gone to deliver a message within a village or another village.

In the villages of Savang, the chief could claim a pot of beer from each house in the village.51 In chapi village all guns belonged to the chief. For the hiring of gun the chief took half the neck of the animal shot.52

The Mara chief collected two handfuls of ginger from the peasant. 53 The Mara and Lai Chiefs could ask their villagers to kill domestic animals at any time, if found necessary.54 This custom was called Sathi.55 Among the Luseis, the chief sometimes asked his villagers to contribute paddy or fowl for villagers in misery caused by accidents or diseases. Another similar custom prevalent in the Mara, paddy was levied on every house except the chief.

Among Luseis, Mithun was regarded as a useful domesticated animal in the pre-colonial period. Therefore, if any villager sold it to another village, he had to pay a young pig to the chief as due. This was known as Sechhiah or Mithun Tax. 56 The Mizo chief usually levied tax upon foreign traders trading in his territory.57

Despite all these taxes, peasants were required to pay their respect to their chiefs and follow his instructions. The chief was entitled to free labour from the villages for the construction and repair of his house. Among the Luseis, the villagers had to build the chief’s house for free of cost.58 However, it was not heard of in some places such as the southern part of Rolura’s village. In the northern part, the chief of Lallula’s village extensively practiced the system.59 This system was also widely prevalent among the southern Mara chiefs. While the work was in progress, the chief supplied the workers with beer, and generally gave them a feast when completed.60 Parry wrote, “These services to the chief are rendered cheerfully, and are never questioned, as they are immemorial custom, and due to the chief as the father and protector of the villagers”.61 In the southern part especially in the village of Chapi, the chief was entitled to call upon his villagers to work in his fields. The villagers give one day’s work each year to clear the chief’s Jhum and another day’s work each to weed it.62 If villagers migrate to other village without informing the chief and without paying the various taxes, it was regarded offensive. Hence the chief confiscated the entire paddy.

The features of the above discussion indicate that revenue administration of Mizo was based on customary practices, which were handed down from generation to generation. However, customs did not specify the amount of tax to be collected. Hence, the amount of revenue was arbitrarily based on each administrative unit of the village. Therefore the nature of pre-colonial Mizo agrarian system cannot fit into overall medieval Indian pattern because neither does it represent major features of feudalism nor does it illustrate the characteristic of a free peasant economy. The nature of land rights also does not allow us to accept the Mizo agrarian system as even remotely close to feudalism. When we compare the nature of land rights with the notion of free peasant economy in which a peasant was free in the process of production and in choosing the crops. It clearly establishes the complex relationship of peasants with their chief. For the time being, the surveys reveal that the Mizo agrarian system was in a transition from petty chieftainship system to tributary system. 3











1 The word ‘Mizo’ is a modern term and it does not exist among the Lusei lineage but not with other lineage. It is basically a political identity for the whole lineage group in region of present Mizoram except the Chakma and Riang who are culturally different from the Mizos.

2 The term Mizoram is also a modern term to identify the present geographical areas of Mizoram. It was not known during the pre-colonial period. During the British period, Mizoram was an autonomous Hill District of Assam and was known as Lushai Hills District sub-divided into North Lushai Hills and South Lushai Hills. Lushai Hill District name was changes to Mizo Hills District in 24th April 1954 by an Act No XVIII of 1954 of Parliament. Mizo Hills District became a Union territory in 21st January 1972, when the state of Assam was reorganized under the North Eastern Area Reorganization Act of 1971 and it was named Mizoram, which means the land of Mizos. Then, Mizoram became the 25th State of India in 1987. (20th Feb). Sipra Sen, Tribes of Mizoram; Description, Ethnology and Bibliography (1840-1990), Giant Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992. p. 5. This paper use Mizoram as methodological tools even for pre-colonial period. Because the chiefs which we study in this paper were confined within the present region of Mizoram.


3 C. Lalbiaknema, Kan Chenna Mizoram, Published by The Synod Literature and Publication Board, Aizawl, Mizoram, 1995. p. 48. C. Lalbiaknema, Mizote leh Politics, Aizawl, Mizoram, 1998. p. 15. K.Zawla, Mizo Pi Pute Leh An Thlahte Chanchin, Zomi Book Agency, Aizawl. pp. 179-184.
4 Rev. Liangkhaia, Mizo Chanchin, L.T.L Publications, Aizawl. pp. 64-65.
68 Ibid. pp. 58, 63.
69 Ibid. pp. 58, 59.
70 Ibid. p. 83. K. Zawla, Mizo Pi Pute leh An Thlahte Chanchin, Zomi Book Agency, Aizawl, 1993. pp. 13-14. Dr. Lalthanliana, Mizo Chanchin (Kum 1900 Hma lam), Aizawl, 2000. p. 322.
71 B. Lalthangliana, History and Culture of Mizo in India, Burma & Bangladesh, Aizawl, 2001. p. 215.
72 Lalthanliana, op. cit., p. 323.
73 Ibid.
74 Ibid.
75 Mackenzie. Ibid. op. cit., p. 290. Also see Liangkhaia. op. cit., p. 68. Shakespear, op. cit., p. 4.
76 Thanliana, op. cit., p. 390.
77 Liangkhaia, op. cit., p. 89.
78 Lalthanliana, op. cit., p. 400.
79 Ibid. pp. 401-402. Liangkhaia, op. cit., p. 99.
11 AG McCall, Lushai Chrysalis, FKPLM for TRI, Aizawl, Mizoram, 1977. pp. 35-38.
80 Shakepear, op. cit., p. 4.
81 Ibid. 401.
82 Animesh Ray, Mizoram: Dynamics of Change, National Book Trust of India, New Delhi, 1993. p. 2.
8 B.Lalthangliana, op. cit., p. 280.
97 Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 330. It is said that the war broke out between the Eastern chiefs and Western chiefs during 1876-77 due to claming over of jhum land.
98 Vunmson, op. cit., p. 110.
99 Shakespear, op. cit., p. 188.
9 J.Shakespear, The Lushei Kuki Clan, TRI, Aizawl, Mizoram. 1998. p. 42.
13 Ibid. Pawi Chanchin, TRI, Directorate of Education, Govt. of Mizoram, 1988. p. 83.
14 Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. 252.
15 Ibid. p. 246. S.Mokia and Hrachu, op. cit.
21 Ibid. J.N Dad, A Study Of The Land System of Mizoram, Law Research Institute Eastern Region, Guwahati High Court, Sponsored by North Eastern Council, Shillong, 1990. p. 8.
22 Ibid.
23 N.E Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. 251.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Suhash Chatterjee, The Mizo Chief And Chiefdom, M.D Publication, Delhi, 1995. p. 8.
45 During my field trip, it was very difficult to find out the amount payable to the chiefs in term of Modern calculations since it differs from place to place. However, based on interviews and Parry’s writings, it could be observed that one to three baskets or 10 to 30 kgs of paddy are collected.
16 Parry, 1927, op. cit., p. 6.
17 Pawi Chanchin, op. cit., p. 53.
18 Paite In Mizoram, TRI, Aizawl, Mizoram, 1987. p. 37.
19 Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. 252.
23 N.E Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. 251.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Suhash Chatterjee, The Mizo Chief And Chiefdom, M.D Publication, Delhi, 1995. p. 8.
27 B.C Allen, EA Gait, CGH Allen & HF Howard, Gazetteers of Bengal And North East India, Mittal Publication, 1979. p. 466.
28 S. Mokia and S. Hrachu, op.cit.
29 Mokia and Hrachu, op.cit.,
30 Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. p. 113, 114.
31 Ibid. pp. 253-254.
32 Ibid.
33 Ibid. p. 254.
34 C. Rokhuma, (Personal interview), Mission Vengthlang, Aizawl, Mizoram, on 22nd January 2003.
35 Parry, 1927, op. cit., p. 6.
36 Ibid. p. 7. Six snowflake kerosene oil tins equals to Tin ruk or Phur hnih or two baskets. Here, it is very difficult to get the exact amount interms of modern measurement of weight. C. Rokhuma author and essayist told me that, one Phur or one basket equals to 3 kerosene tins. In case of Mara, 5 kerosine tins equals to Dawh kha, 10 kerosine tin to Kai kha, 50 kerosine to Chheih Kha, 500 tin to Chheih hraw. S. Mokia and S. Hrachu, op.cit. Shakepear in his book ‘The Lusei Kuki clan’ describes, one basket was fixed by the chief for the measurement of tax which was being estimated about 50 lb. J. Shakespear, op. cit., p. 18.
37 S. Sailo, ‘A Sign Of Hope For The Jhummias In Tripura’ (Private Manuscript)
38 Shakepear, op. cit., p. 43.
39 Parry, 1927, op. cit., p. 8.
40 Shakepear, op. cit., p. 43.
41 Parry, 1927, op. cit., p. 7.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid. p. 2. Ram was abolished during the early period of colonial rule in Mizoram.
44 Ibid. p. 7.
45 Ibid. Mokia and Hrachu, op. cit. Cotton tax is not mentioned in Parry’s study of revenue among the Maras. It could be regarded as a local arrangement as well as less extensive in pre-colonial period.
45 During my field trip, it was very difficult to find out the amount payable to the chiefs in term of Modern calculations since it differs from place to place. However, based on interviews with Mara elders and Parry’s writings, it could be observed that one to three baskets or 10 to 30 kgs of paddy are collected.
46 Parry, 1976, op. cit., pp. 252-253.
47 Mithun, a grass-eating animal is the most important domestic animal. Wealth of a man was judge by the numbers of Mithun he owned. Vumson suggest that Mizo culture was a mithun culture. Hence, many western writers have suggested that Mizo culture was a Mithun culture. Mithun was infact, the Mizo currency. In marriage contract the bride price was counted in terms of Mithuns. Vumson, Zo History, aizawl, Mizoram, 1987. p. 12.
48 Salt was one of the most precious articles in pre-colonial Mizoram due to its uneasy availability in pre-colonial Mizoram. The Mizos very often procured salt from neigbouring plain areas in exchange of elephant tusk, animal skins and other indigenous commodities. In pre-colonial Mizoram, there are few well-known salt well such as Dap salt well (between Phaileng village and Dampui), Hmawngzawl Salt well (Rabung village), Bawng salt well (far south hilly area of Hriangtlang and Siallukawt) and Chite salt well (Rawpui) were among them. The pre-colonial Mizo peasants came from different placed to extract salt from this salt well. C.Rokhuma, ‘Chi-Seh’in Laltluangliana Khiangte, Mizo Thuziak Thlan Chhuahte, L.T.L Publications, Aizawl, 2001. pp. 47-51.
49 S. Mokia and S. Hrachu, op. cit. V. Venkata Roa, H.Thansanga, Niru Hazarika, A Century of Government And Politics in North-East India, Volume III, Mizoram, S. Chand &Company PVT LTD, New Delhi, 1987. p. 67.
50 Ibid. p. 258.
51 Parry, 1976, op. cit., p. 254.
52 Ibid. p. 256.
53 Ibid. p. 254.
54 Pawi Chanchin, op. cit., p. 85.
55 Parry, 1976, op. cit., pp. 257- 258
56 Dr. Vanlalringa Bawitlung, ‘Socio-Economic History of The Mizo With Special Reference to Chiefs’ on Historical Journal Mizoram, Vol. II, Issue II, Published by Mizo History Association, July 2001, p.3. This due indicates that the chief was the ultimate owner of all properties in his village.
57 Chaterjee, op. cit., p. 41.
58 Parry, 1927, op. cit., p. 4.
59 Lalthangliana, op.cit., p. 286.
60 Parry, 1976, op. cit., 251.
61 Ibid. p. 252.
62 Ibid.
3 Under tribute-paying mode of production the society is divided into two main classes: the peasantry, organized in communities, and the ruling class, which monopolizes the functions of the given society’s political organization and exacts a tribute (not in common form) from the rural communities. This mode of production, when it assumes an advanced form almost always tends to become feudal, -that is the ruling class ousts the community from dominium eminence of the soil.” Samir Amin, Unequal Development, Oxford University Press, 1979. p. 15. Also quoted in Ganguly, op. cit., p. 148. Shamir Amin has categorized four pre-capitalist modes of production, namely, (1) The Primitive Communal (2) The Tribute-paying (3) The Slave-owning and (4) The Simple petty-commodity. Amin, op.cit., p.p. 13-14.

The assertion of the Mizo identity as seen in the Mizo magazine ‘Lengzem’
Lalthansangi Ralte (Mami)

Lengzem is one of the most popular magazines in Mizoram. It is a magazine for all age – groups, containing articles with a serious tone, jokes and comic strips and puzzles. The word “lengzem” literally means love song. But the editor splits up the word as “leng” and “zem”. He takes the literal meaning of “leng” which is going out and “zem” which is to captivate / to attract. He takes the meaning of the word “leng” a further step forward by taking the youth as a representative for the outgoing people. He therefore says that Lengzem is a magazine which is made to attract the youth. The magazine also has a tag – line “Mitin mil chanchinbu” which, roughly translated, means “a magazine which caters to the taste of everyone”. I will be dealing with two columns from the magazine namely “Kher lo” (not always so / not really so) and “An ti” (people say). In these two columns, the editor challenges the powerful institutions in Mizoram namely the Church, MZP, MHIP and YMA. These two columns are a clever ploy to critique the society. Lengzem deals with the important social issues such as gender, identity and politics. The editor becomes free of blame as everything is done in a comic tone. The public cannot really get angry at the editor as he cleverly adds “not always so / not really so” and “people say”. The accusations and mockery are not serious but the public are anyway made aware of the social happenings. It is not surprising to find that these kinds of columns are popular because they serve to the likes of the public. The public can identify themselves with the situations portrayed. In Mizoram, jokes are the most prevalent form of Popular culture. The editor says that he uses the phrase “An ti” and “ Kher lo” as both allows everything to be included. He also says that both have room for things which are not all that serious and things which “appear to be”. He also feels that jokes can act as a means for reform in society.

Lengzem gives much importance to the institution of family. The editor and the other contributors are all family men. They identify themselves as the fathers of their children – for example – P.L. Liandinga [Dika Pa (Dika’s Father)] is how he writes his name and so do the other contributors. The two columns deal with the usual family problems. In the “Kher lo” column (Jan, 2006), it was written that “Most families who have problems do not always want to be helped out.” This line has become true in the contemporary Mizo society because many families have started to feel embarrassed to share their problems with their neighbours. The once close – knit Mizo society is gradually splitting up. People now want to keep their identity and their problems hidden. A person can no longer barge into another person’s territory. In the meantime, the Mizos are beginning to feel that their population is very less in comparison to the outside world. They fear that they might be taken over by the immigrants (especially the labourers) who do not really bother themselves with Family Planning. Even though they fear this, they still do not want to bring up children whom they cannot provide for. In the “Kher lo” column (Jan, 2006), it was written, “Those who support having more than two children do not deserve to have more.” The Mizos are divided between those who support Family Planning and those who feel that the need for Family Planning has not arise. Many people have started to feel the threat of the media on their families. In the “An ti” column (May,2006), it was written, “People say that rather than the serial Kasauti, it is the obsession with the serial that is more threatening.” Many families do not support serials which are all about love / lust, adultery and hatred / jealousy. The serials can act as a threat because of the way things are being portrayed. It often seems as though they are justifying adultery. And in the July ’06 issue of “Kher lo” it was said that “Not all brave men can control their wives.” Maybe the T.V. serials serve as an instrument which gives courage to the women to confront their husbands. In the “Kher lo” column (Aug,2006), it was written that “ Wedding rings do not always prevent a husband from abusing his wife.” Maybe this is a further outcome of the serials which gives courage to the wife to confront her husband, who in turn is beaten up as she is not allowed to assert herself. The Mizo society expects the wife to be submissive to her husband. She is to give in to his every wish. Once they are married, she no longer has an identity as she is dependent on her husband. Lengzem does not forget the lot of the poor. In the “An ti” column (July,2006), it was written that “Not every underprivileged family wants to be on the B.P.L. list.” Even if they get various kinds of charity, they do not want to be on the B.P.L. list because they will be recognized by the others only as a B.P.L. person. Many poor people would not want to be identified as such.

The problem with the political system of Mizoram is that people tend to label the politician with corruption. Lengzem also gives much emphasis to the trustworthiness of a person / institution. There has grown a huge gap between the state of the rich and the poor. In the “An ti” column (Aug,2006), it was written that “People say that the farmhouses of the rich is an insult to the poor”. The farmhouses of the ministers and politicians are far better than the houses of the poor. Many rich men compete to have the best farmhouses. Maybe it was because of this that it was written in the “Kher lo” (june, 2006), it was written that “Not all rich people are respected.” In this month’s issue it was also written that “All engineers are not corrupt”. There is a slight fault in the stereotypical perception of the public about the engineers. Corruption is present in all levels of employment from the highest to the lowest – from politicians and officers to taxi – drivers and labourers.

The church and faith are two of the most important things for a Mizo. in Mizoram, a person is judged according to his spiritual state, in the society a person is judged according to his loyalty to the church. A “spiritual” person is easily accepted everywhere so a person often tries to emphasize his / her spirituality. But Lengzem warns the people to be aware of fake “spiritual” people. In the “Kher lo” column (May, 2006), it was written that “We do not always believe everyone who says that he / she has seen heaven” and “Not everyone who has been to Wales is spiritually blessed” (Wales because it is the seat of the Christian missionaries who brought the Good News to Mizoram). There are also some people who try to gain recognition by contributing a lot of money to charity and to the church. These people often end up being accepted and the means through which they get their money is often forgotten as well. And so it was written in “Kher lo” column (June, 2006), “Not everyone who contributes a lot of money is a good person”.

Immigration of Non – Mizos into Mizoram is one of the major problems faced by the Mizos. the immigration of the Burmese is one of the major problems which causes further problems in the state. In the “An ti” column (May, 2006), it was written that “People say that there are only about 1% Burmese in Mizoram, yet 90% of the drug – dealers are Burmese and 80% of the prisoners are also Burmese”. The Burmese immigrants have become a threat as they are mostly drug – dealers in Mizoram. The Y.M.A. which is the strongest Non – government organization feels that the Burmese are a threat and so they want to get rid of them. Many youth who are to be the future of the state has died because of this illegal drug – trafficking. Inter – community marriage which is often the outcome of immigration is now regarded a threat for the society. In the “An ti” column (July, 2006), it was written that “People say that there is an increase in the number of Mizo women who need to get Inner Line Permits for their husbands”. If there are more inter – community marriages, then there will soon come a time when it will not be possible to have a “pure” Mizo identity. In the “Kher lo” column (July, 2006), it was written that “People who befriend Non – Mizos do not always want them for a husband or a wife”. The Mizos are a close – knit community and it was until recently that Non – Mizos have started to immigrate. The older generations find it difficult to accept the inter - mingling of races. The Mizos are a closed group who do not mind being secluded from the Mainland India in order to maintain their identity.

Recently, the Mizo women have started to become more and more independent. This newly – acquired independence is not really supported by the society. Women have started to travel on their own. But everywhere they go they are followed by rumours. In the “ Kher lo” column (Aug, 2006), it was written that “Not all women travelers are sexually lustful”. It is the small number of women with loose morals who make the whole lot of traveling women being identified as being “sexually lustful”. And in the “Kher lo” column (Jan, 2007), it was written that “All non – mizo men do not desire Mizo women”. This sounds very unpleasant for the Mizo women but it seems to have another connotation. It seems to tells us that since all non – mizo men do not desire Mizo women, the Mizo women are safe from the clutches of the non – mizo men. I feel that the stereotyping of Mizo women as “sexually lustful” alongwith the threat of the non – mizo men is the outcome of the inability of the society to come to terms with the newly acquired position of the independent woman. This new identity will need time to gain acceptance in a patriarchal society.

In Mizoram, there has been an increase in the number of “celebrity singers”. Many people try to assert themselves by gaining popularity through singing and making music videos. But the public are aware of the singers who do not deserve to achieve celebrity status. In the “An ti” column (Jan, 2006), it was written that “People say that songs which make no sense are gaining popularity”. The status of the Mizo music culture is slowly deteriorating and is being degraded by these wannabe “celebrity singers”. There are many celebrities who try to be different by arriving late at functions. They think that it is fashionable to arrive late. This case has been mentioned in Lengzem in the May and August issues of 2006. Although there are many fashionable “celebrity singers” and countless music videos, Lengzem in the “Kher lo” column of January, 2007 issue writes “Not al the famous singers dare to have a solo concert”. This mockery of “celebrity singers” appears to be very amusing. But since many people read this magazine, the public may be steered to look down upon the “celebrities”. I feel that unless we are able to appreciate our native “celebrities”, we still have a long journey ahead of us. We should be the first ones to appreciate them and make them popular so that they can gain popularity outside as well.

Mizoram is a state which has a population of more than 90% Christians. But even though it is a Christian state, it is not at all free of evil and sin. H.I.V. and A.I.D.S. have increased a great deal in Mizoram. Pre – marital sex is consifered a great sin and many people condemn it. In the “An ti” column (Jan,2006), it was written “People say that after New Year celebrations many people get themselves tested for H.I.V. under suspicion”. Even though Mizoram is a Christian state, the youth have a misconception regarding Christmas and New Year. Many regard this time as a festive time and so celebrates it with pomp and show. There are many youth who regard this time as a time for free, lustful, sexual encounters. In the “Kher lo” column (Jan,2007), it was written “Not everyone who get gifts at Christmastime are children”. These gifts are often of the kind which shows its sign after two to three months. Unsafe sexual relationships is considered a threat for the public as there many risks of getting sexually transmitted diseases. In the “An ti” column (July,2006), it was written “They say that India has the largest number of A.I.D.S. infected people”. Its is a very subtle way to make the Mizo public ware. But will they feel that this is meant for them as they are so secluded from the Indian public.

The Mizos are very much influenced by the Western world in fashion from low – waist / baggy jeans to tattoos. Although there is the usual fashion trend, there are also many who want to look different. I the “Kher lo” column (May, 2006), it was written, “All wrinkled shirts do not imply that the wearer has not ironed it”. Looking different has become fashion. “Weird” has also become fashion. Around the year 2002, tattoos became quite popular. At the same time, there were many people who could not accept it. In the “An ti” column (May, 2006), it was written that “People say that there is a Mizo girl who was rejected for a wife because she had a tattoo on her lower back”. The West has influenced the Mizos in speech as well as in pronunciations. This influence is again felt ore on the youth who are fonder of using slang. In the “Kher lo” column (July, 2006), it was written, “Everyone who knows the correct pronunciation of football stars do not necessarily know how to pronounce ‘Aibawk’”. Many of the youth especially the girls regard it as fashionable to spell place names like ‘Aibawk’ and ‘Aizawl’ as ‘Ibok’ and ‘Izol’ which is not Mizo anymore. It becomes more of slang. The editor calls this as “colonial hangover”. The Mizos are also influenced by the Korean movies and it is not only the girls who are influenced. The guys dress like the male Korean stars and even grow their hair. In the “An ti” (July, 2006), it was written that “People say that there has been an increase of gays after ‘Full House’ became popular” (‘Full House’ is a Korean serial). The guys are as well – dressed and as conscious as the girls and so they are more and more “gay – looking”. Many people regard the various influences of the outside world as threatening in the way of framing the identity of a person. These influences can often make a person unsure of his / her identity as a result of unconscious imitation. Owning the latest has become quite fashionable. Many people often buy the latest gadgets so that they will be able to show off. And it is usually the unemployed youth who have the latest gadgets. In the “An ti” column (June, 2006), it was written that “People say that we gain nothing except the weight of a cell – phone if it too big and modern”.

Mizoram is a hilly place and so houses often have to be built on the hill – sides. There are not many level grounds. Large spaces are required to build churches. So, many of the churches in Mizoram take up the all the allotted space and no space is left as compound. This often spoils the picturesque beauty of the landscape as there is only one huge building standing tall, somewhat awkwardly. In the “An ti” column (June, 2006), it was written “People say that most of the big churches in Aizawl are almost too big for the compounds”. Moreover, when there are functions and loud singing in the church, it often becomes disturbing for the nearby houses. There are many buildings which are without good foundations. In the “An ti” column (May, 2006), it was written that “People say that there is nothing more dangerous than having a concrete building so unstable that it needs the support of a wooden plank”. Such kinds of constructions are dangerous not only for the owners but also for the neighbours as they will not be able to live in peace. In Mizoram, a person is evaluated according to the land and houses he / she owns. A person in order to be a prominent person in the society has to have a house of his own. Therefore a person often tries to assert his identity by owning some private property.



INDEX
1. M.Z.P. – Mizo Zirlai Pawl which means ‘Mizo Students’ Union’.

2. Y.M.A. – which means ‘Young Mizo Association’. It is one of the most powerful Non – government organizations in Mizoram which often works as a mob rule.

3. M.H.I.P. - Mizo Hmeichhe Insuihkhawm Pawl which means the United Organisation of Mizo Women. This organization looks out for the improvement of the state of the Mizo women.

4. Non – Mizo – The Mizos often use this phrase to imply all those who are not Mizo including all the other people of the North – eastern states. It is not a racist term but a term which is commonly used. It is used even in the church.

5. B.P.L. – Below Poverty Line. This categorizes the people whose monthly income is less than Rs.500.

6. I.L.P. - Inner Line Permit which a non - mizo has to have in order to enter Mizoram. This permit is made so that the Mizos may be able to safeguard themselves from the “others” and so safeguard and maintain their identity.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Lengzem - January, 2006.
2. Lengzem - May, 2006.
3. Lengzem - June, 2006.
4. Lengzem - July, 2006.
5. Lengzem - August, 2006.
6. Lengzem - January, 2007.

Friday, January 4, 2008

bamboo flower

When The Bamboo Flowers!

When the bamboo flowers, famine, death and destruction will soon follow, goes a traditional saying in Mizoram, the tiny hill state in north-east India. Who better than the hardy Mizos would know this, considering that theirs is probably the only land on earth where history is closely intertwined with the mysterious cycle of bamboo flowering. Back in 1959, bamboo flowering in the state set off a chain of events in the rugged hilly state that ultimately led to one of the most powerful insurgencies against the Indian union spanning over two decades.

Folklore apart, scientists say that the strange phenomena of bamboo flowering, called 'gregarious bamboo flowering' because the bamboo clumps flower all at the same time only once in the plants' lifetime, wreaks ecological havoc because of two reasons. First, bamboo plants die after flowering. It will be at least some years before bamboo plants take seed again, leaving bare exposed soil - which could be disastrous in mountainous states - and also leading to food scarcity, since animals depend on bamboo plants. The second factor is that rats feed on the flowers and seeds of the dying bamboo tree. This activates a rapid birth rate among the rodents, which leads to the huge rat population feeding on agricultural crops in the fields and granaries and causes famine.

It was precisely this scenario in Mizoram in the late 1950s, when the authorities failed to respond with quick famine relief. The disillusionment and anger finally resulted in the Mizo National Famine Front, an organization created to help people get relief, changing into the Mizo National Front, an ethnic political party which involved the Mizos in a 20-year war of attrition against India which ended only in 1987 with a peace accord.

Now, the bamboo is going to flower again within the next four to five years, say experts. And this time, it's not going to be just in Mizoram, but in the huge bamboo forested areas across the other north eastern states of Tripura, Manipur and Southern Assam, an occurrence that has attracted national and international attention as well as the concern of the authorities.

The Union Ministry of Environment and Forests is roping in experts, including some from the International Bamboo and Rattan Network (INBAR) and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), for hectic consultations on how to handle this natural growth cycle of the humble bamboo plant which has such an extraordinary twin effect directly bearing on the socio-economic well being and a long-term ecological impact.

Today, famine may be prevented because most villages are now linked to the main government centers, and because the "Mizo experience" is always there to remind them of the political outcome of bamboo flowering. Yet, it is the ghastly prospect of having dry, rotting mass of bamboo copses covering about 18,000 hectares of the region with about 25 million tons of bamboo, which is causing much concern. The question vexing the authorities is how to harvest these resources before the flowering sets in.

A thriving economy revolves around bamboo. The pulp and paper industry, construction, cottage industry and handloom, food, fuel, fodder and medicine annually consume about 22 million tons of bamboo.

"If left un-harvested this means a loss of around Rs 12,000 million (1US$=Rs49)," said Director General of the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education (ICFRE) R P S Katwal, at the latest round of UNIDO-sponsored expert consultations on "Strategies for Sustainable Utilization of Bamboo Resources Subsequent to Gregarious Flowering In North-East". This consultation, held at the Jorhat Rain Forest Research Institute, one of the premier forest institutes of the country, was attended by bamboo experts from all over, including INBAR expert from Beijing, Andrew Benton.

"What will be the fate of the numerous paper mills in the northeast region? People have to be made aware beforehand to mitigate the devastating consequences of the phenomenon," says Kamesh Salam, head of the UNIDO-supported Cane and Bamboo Technology Cell in Jorhat.

While there seems to be a consensus among the experts that the resources should be used before they become worthless, the problem is how to do that. Complicating the problem further is the fact that most of the bamboo is located in inaccessible parts of the hills and where it is within reach, it remains locked in a complicated bureaucratic system which has little regard for the urgency to speed things up before the cycle sets in. While the negative ecological and commercial fall out are doubtless matters of grave concern, there seems to be a distinct lack of concomitant attention to the immediate human fallout of the bamboo flowering cycle, particularly on women and children in these hills.

What would happen to common rural northeasterners who depend on bamboo for almost everything - from a raw material to build their homes to food, and as one of the few sources of cash. Bamboo rotting over hundreds of acres and the growth of the rat population will have a devastating effect on the jhum (slash and burn) cultivation on which a majority of the rural folk still depend for growing food, thus affecting the already precarious food security of the rural people.

Women, who make up the majority of the rural work force and contribute more to holding up the rural economy, will be particularly vulnerable. Their major source of money income - such as the jhum field produce, the vegetables from the wild and the bamboo shoots which they gather and sell in town markets - would disappear, at least for a crucial period of time, seriously affecting the sparse family budget.

Water, which is already a scarce resource in most of the hills, will become scarcer, the Mizoram experience shows. Experts say that during the bamboo flowering in Mizoram in the late 1950s and '60s, there was a sharp rise in temperature followed by a spell of dry arid weather, which had a direct fallout on the health of the people. Not only that, women and children who have to spend hours to fetch water will be forced to spend even more time carrying out this task.

It is only when the potential impact of the bamboo flowering cycle on the people's lives receives proper attention, that a safety net for the most vulnerable section of the population can be created. There is still time to take steps to prevent widespread disaffection which could well result in history repeating itself. But there is no time to waste.

– Linda Chhakchhuak
July 3, 200